Stephen A. Douglas

If there is any one principle dearer and more sacred than all others in free governments, it is that which asserts the exclusive right of a free people to form and adopt their own fundamental law, and to manage and regulate their own internal affairs and domestic institutions.

Stephen Arnold Douglas (23 April 1813 – 3 June 1861), was as American politician, one of the principal founders of the Illinois Democratic Party, Illinois supreme court judge, and Illinois Senator. He was responsible for the passage of the compromise of 1850, author of the Kansas-Nebraska act. He was famous for his debates against Abraham Lincoln in 1858, which brought them both to greater national prominence in the U.S.

Quotes

There are only two sides to this question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots and traitors.

He declared that all distinctions of race must be discarded and blotted out, because the negro stood on an equal footing with the white man; that if one man said the Declaration of Independence did not mean a negro when it declared all men created equal, that another man would say that it did not mean another man; and hence we ought to discard all difference between the negro race and all other races, and declare them all created equal.

I say that this Government was established on the white basis. It was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and never should be administered by any except white men.

1850s

• Abolitionism proposes to destroy the right and extinguish the principle of self-government for which our forefathers waged a seven years' bloody war, and upon which our system of free government is founded.
  • Speech in the Senate (3 March 1854)

• If there is any one principle dearer and more sacred than all others in free governments, it is that which asserts the exclusive right of a free people to form and adopt their own fundamental law, and to manage and regulate their own internal affairs and domestic institutions.
  • Speech in Chicago, Illinois (9 July 1858)

• The framers of the Constitution well understood that each locality, having separate and distinct interests, required separate and distinct laws, domestic institutions, and police regulations adapted to its own wants and its own condition; and they acted on the presumption, also, that these laws and institutions would be as diversified and as dissimilar as the States would be numerous, and that no two would be precisely alike, because the interests of no two would be precisely the same.
  • Speech in Chicago, Illinois (9 July 1858)

• I do not regard the Negro as my equal, and positively deny that he is my brother, or any kin to me whatever.
  • Lincoln-Douglas Debates (21 August 1858)

• Slavery is not the only question which comes up in this controversy. There is a far more important one to you, and that is, What shall be done with the free negro? We have settled the slavery question as far as we are concerned; we have prohibited it in Illinois forever; and in doing so, I think we have done wisely, and there is no man in the State who would be more strenuous in his opposition to the introduction of slavery than I would; but when we settled it for ourselves, we exhausted all our power over that subject. We have done our whole duty, and can do no more. We must leave each and every other State to decide for itself the same question. In relation to the policy to be pursued toward the free negroes, we have said that they shall not vote; whilst Maine, on the other hand, has said that they shall vote. Maine is a sovereign State, and has the power to regulate the qualifications of voters within her limits. I would never consent to confer the right of voting and of citizenship upon a negro; but still I am not going to quarrel with Maine for differing from me in opinion. Let Maine take care of her own negroes and fix the qualifications of her own voters to suit herself, without interfering with Illinois, and Illinois will not interfere with Maine.
  • Speech in Ottawa, Illinois (21 August 1858)

• Mr. Lincoln simply contented himself at the outset by saying, that he was not in favor of social and political equality between the white man and the negro, and did not desire the law so changed as to make the latter voters or eligible to office. I am glad that I have at last succeeded in getting an answer out of him upon this question of negro citizenship and eligibility to office, for I have been trying to bring him to the point on it ever since this canvass commenced.
  • Fourth Lincoln-Douglass Debate (September 1858)

• Lincoln maintains there that the Declaration of Independence asserts that the negro is equal to the white man, and that under Divine law, and if he believes so it was rational for him to advocate negro citizenship, which, when allowed, puts the negro on an equality under the law. I say to you in all frankness, gentlemen, that in my opinion a negro is not a citizen, cannot be, and ought not to be, under the Constitution of the United States. I will not even qualify my opinion to meet the declaration of one of the Judges of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, “that a negro descended from African parents, who was imported into this country as a slave is not a citizen, and cannot be.” I say that this Government was established on the white basis. It was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and never should be administered by any except white men. I declare that a negro ought not to be a citizen, whether his parents were imported into this country as slaves or not, or whether or not he was born here. It does not depend upon the place a negro’s parents were born, or whether they were slaves or not, but upon the fact that he is a negro, belonging to a race incapable of self-government, and for that reason ought not to be on an equality with white men.
  • Fourth Lincoln-Douglass Debate (September 1858)

• I hold that a Negro is not and never ought to be a citizen of the United States. I hold that this government was made on the white basis; made by the white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and should be administered by white men and none others.
  • In 1858

1860s

• You know that in his Charleston speech, an extract from which he has read, he declared that the negro belongs to an inferior race; is physically inferior to the white man, and should always be kept in an inferior position. I will now read to you what he said at Chicago on that point. In concluding his speech at that place, he remarked, 'My friends, I have detained you about as long as I desire to do, and I have only to say let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man-this race and that race, and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position, discarding our standard that we have left us. Let us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout this land until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men are created equal'. Thus you see, that when addressing the Chicago Abolitionists he declared that all distinctions of race must be discarded and blotted out, because the negro stood on an equal footing with the white man; that if one man said the Declaration of Independence did not mean a negro when it declared all men created equal, that another man would say that it did not mean another man; and hence we ought to discard all difference between the negro race and all other races, and declare them all created equal.
  • Sixth Lincoln-Douglas debate, (13 October 1860), Quincy, Illinois

• There are only two sides to this question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots and traitors.
  • Last public speech before his death, Chicago, Illinois (1 May 1861)

Disputed

• Mr. President, I wish you to remember that General Jackson is dead, sir.
  • December 3, 1857, to president James Buchanan in a conversation about Bleeding Kansas after the latter warned Douglas "to remember that no democrat ever yet differed from an administration of his own choice without being crushed" and to "beware of the fate of Tallmadge and Rives", as recalled by Douglas in an October 13, 1860 campaign speech during the 1860 presidential election.
  • The earliest version of this anecdote to be published publicly was in a column by Republican journalist Henry Jarvis Raymond for The New York Times, March 26, 1858. In July 1860, Douglas described a different version of the December 3 meeting in which he said Buchanan told him "that if I did not obey him and vote to force that Lecompton Constitution on the people of Kansas against their will, that he would take off the head of every friend that I had in office", an accusation that Buchanan denied.

See also

• Abolitionism

Sources

• Pinsker, Matthew (2019). "'General Jackson Is Dead': Dissecting a Popular Anecdote of Nineteenth-Century Party Leadership". in Birkner, Michael J.. The Worlds of James Buchanan and Thaddeus Stevens: Place, Personality, and Politics in the Civil War Era. Conflicting Worlds: New Dimensions of the American Civil War. Louisiana State University Press. pp. 82–108. ISBN 978-0-8071-7081-6. 

External links

• Media related to Stephen A. Douglas on Wikimedia Commons
• Lincoln - Douglas Debates at Bartleby.com