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Antonio Di Pietro

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Antonio Di Pietro in 2010

Antonio Di Pietro (born October 2, 1950) is an Italian politician. He was a Member of the European Parliament, an Italian Senator, and Minister of the Prodi Government.

Quotes

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1991

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  • Rather than corruption or extortion, we should talk about “environmental bribery”, i.e. an objective situation in which those who have to give money no longer even wait to be asked; they know that in that particular environment it is customary to give bribes or protection money, and so they comply.

1992

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  • (About the death of Giovanni Falcone) It was a tragedy, and the brawls show that the institutions have lost a battle. Falcone was killed for what he did in his life as a magistrate.

1994

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  • When the law, due to obvious disparities in treatment, conflicts with feelings of justice and fairness, it becomes very difficult to do one's duty without feeling like an instrument of injustice. We have therefore informed the public prosecutor of our determination to request, as soon as possible, assignment to another and different position, in the performance of which there will be no jarring conflict between what our conscience dictates and what the law imposes. Signed Antonio Di Pietro, Piercamillo Davigo, Francesco Greco, Gherardo Colombo.
  • quoted in Corriere della Sera, 15 July 1994.

1995

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  • I am not a politician and I do not intend to enter politics. But can you rule out the possibility of dressing up as a woman tomorrow? Anything is possible! (17 December 1995)

2000

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  • The South [of ITaly] needs action, not clowning around.
  • From Polo-Lega, a Teano un «patto» per il Sud, Corriere della sera, 12 April 2000.
  • I have nothing in common with Silvio Berlusconi: I only had to see him a couple of times in my life to realise that he is someone to be avoided. Politically, I consider him to be like AIDS: if you know him, you avoid him.
  • dialogue with Veltroni at a meeting organised by Micromega, October 2000; quoted in Repubblica, 9 October 2000.

2001

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2006

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  • Are thieves, corrupt individuals, tax evaders, mafia members or those who – like me – uncovered them with the Mani Pulite investigation a disgrace to the country?
  • (Addressing Giulio Tremonti If necessary, I would question you too, for that matter.
  • from the television programme Matrix, 24 March 2006.
  • There is still a creeping cross-party consensus on issues of justice. I experienced this first-hand when I was asked: “What would you like to do?” 'I would like to be Minister of Justice.“ 'No, no, it might actually work.” That's when I realised that Clemente was better.
  • speech given on 7 June 2006 at the Teatro Carcano in Milan during the debate on censorship, Italia imbavagliata.

2007

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  • (Addressing Fabrizio Corona) Listen, Corona, if you're innocent, I'm a woman!
  • from the television programme Matrix, 29 June 2007.
  • Today, like it or not, Hamas is a force whose goal is to destroy the State of Israel. Through terrorism. You can't talk to people who haven't renounced terrorism and still don't recognise Israel. I'll say more. ... In order to talk to us, they should disband. A terrorist is a terrorist.
  • quoted in Corriere della Sera, 17 August 2007.
  • I'll cut off my hand if Prodi falls for me... right here in front of you.
  • From the TV programme Ballarò, 20 November 2007.Video available on Raiclicktv.it.
Forleo must be defended, not made indefensible.
  • From the TV programme Ballarò, 20 November 2007.Video available on Raiclicktv.it.
  • Today, like it or not, Hamas is a force that has as its goal the overthrow of the State of Israel. With terrorism. Do not you talk to who has not abandoned terrorism and still does not recognize Israel. I would say more … What to talk should melt. The terrorist is a terrorist.

2008

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  • Berlusconi's politics as [...] Fede is information.
    • Intervention at the Chamber of Deputies on 18 September 2008
  • So, when Craxi said, ‘We are all guilty,’ a deep silence fell. Everyone remained silent. Now, when Mastella accuses the judges, everyone applauds wildly.
From an interview of Liana Milella, "Alla fine Clemente sarà prosciolto, però quell'attacco alle toghe è eversivo", la Repubblica, 18 January 2008, p. 4.
  • The wiretaps they want to limit show us a head of government who acts more like a pimp, busy placing showgirls who talked too much.
  • When there is a democratic emergency, you stay on the front line. You don't run away!
  • from the speech at the NO-CAV demonstration, Rome, 8 July 2008.
  • Anti-Berlusconism is a false problem. We are anti-Berlusconism because he is the anomaly. They accuse us of only caring about justice, but it is he who cares too much about justice; it is he who created the Alfano ruling, the Consolo ruling, the Salvapremier ruling. [...] We are only trying to contain the damage.
  • from l'Unità, 20 November 2008.
  • Berlusconi [...] is to politics what Fede is to information.
  • Berlusconi cannot do much, apart from slandering and lying, against those who act according to the rules. He does not sue me because when I say something against him, I always have proof. I hope he sues me for defamation. But he won't.
  • from l'Unità, 20 November 2008.

2009

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  • Since fifteen years a group of people has been using public functions to solve their own problems of justice; Go and reread the proposals of P2, go and reread all those proposals, they are exactly those of a justice system subservient to power, they are exactly those of an anti-democratic state where a caste rules over a people who are no longer citizens but subjects.
    • Da quindici anni un gruppo di persone utilizza le funzioni pubbliche per risolvere i loro problemi di giustizia; andate a rileggervi le proposte della P2, andate a rileggervi tutte quelle proposte, sono esattamente quelle di una giustizia asservita al potere, sono esattamente quelle di uno stato antidemocratico dove una casta comanda su un popolo che non è più cittadino ma è suddito.
  • I believe that Italian citizens have the right to demonstrate in a civilised public square. One may disagree with what we have done and are doing, but is it not our right, guaranteed by the Constitution, to say that we are not convinced by the actions of certain people? And can we afford, Mr President of the Republic, to welcome into this square some of us who disagree with some of your silences? Can we or can we not? Or are we subversives? We are ordinary citizens who allow ourselves to say to you, Mr President of the Republic, that you should be the referee, but that sometimes your judgement seems to us to be neither that of a referee nor that of a third party. Can we say that or not? We respect you, we have a sense of the institutions, we want to be at peace. [...] Respectfully, respectfully, but respect is one thing, silence is another: silence kills, silence is mafia-like, silence is mafia behaviour. That is why we do not want to remain silent.
  • From a speech at the demonstration in Piazza Farnese in Rome, 28 January 2009. Video available on “'Youtube.com”'.
  • Da Berlusconi un tipico discorso da vero e proprio ducetto: vuole azzerare la Costituzione e diventare il padre padrone della sua nuova azienda 'Italia'. Propone la riforma dei regolamenti parlamentari al solo fine di eliminare definitivamente quel che lui considera un inutile ingombro, ossia l'opposizione; pretende che vengano dati maggiori poteri al premier, cioè a lui, così avrà mano libera su quello che lui percepisce come una zavorra: la democrazia. Dopo il controllo dell'informazione, l'attacco all'indipendenza della magistratura, l'indebolimento del sindacato, ecco il potere assoluto, ultimo tassello per il compimento del piano di rinascita democratica della P2, di cui Berlusconi è un noto affiliato.
  • Berlusconi gives a typical speech worthy of a true dictator: he wants to do away with the Constitution and become the patriarch of his new company, “Italy”. He proposes reforming parliamentary regulations for the sole purpose of permanently eliminating what he considers a useless encumbrance, namely the opposition. He demands that greater powers be given to the prime minister, i.e. to him, so that he will have a free hand over what he perceives as a burden: democracy. After controlling the media, attacking the independence of the judiciary and weakening the trade unions, here comes absolute power, the final piece in the Plan for the democratic rebirth of P2, of which Berlusconi is a well-known member.
  • Quoted in Di Pietro: «Così realizza il piano P2» Bersani: «Premier distante dalla realtà» (Di Pietro: “This is how he is implementing the P2 plan” Bersani: “Prime Minister out of touch with reality”), “Corriere.it”, 29 March 2009.

2010

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  • In reality, Berlusconi is not interested in the good of the community, but only in his own impunity.
  • (About Bettino Craxi) We believe that what is happening is a violation of history: making people believe that a person must be rehabilitated, without informing citizens that this person has indebted the country politically, has been a fugitive from justice, and has used institutions to steal money and cheat citizens out of their money. Using this person as a reference point for the country's redemption is like using Lucifer to praise God.
  • From the demonstration in Milan in Piazza Cordusio against the naming of a street after Bettino Craxi, January 9, 2010. Video available on ‘'Youtube.com’'.
  • (About the 'President of the Italian Republics message about Bettino Craxi) I prefer not to comment. I do not want to argue with the Head of State. [...] while everyone is competing to remember a fugitive, we at Italia dei Valori prefer to remember the journalist Beppe Alfano, who was killed because he denounced those who committed crimes, rather than committing them himself.
  • from ‘'Corriere della Sera’', January 18, 2010.
  • I consider Travaglio one of the few free voices in the world of information, a serious professional who fully performs the role of watchdog of democracy. Marco's observations and criticisms, of which I myself have often been the subject, should serve as a warning to politicians.
  • Of course, you, Mr. Berlusconi, are not a prime minister, but a rapist of democracy, a rapist who, after the rape, made a law, or rather, twenty laws ‘'ad personam’' so as not to answer for his rape. You are not, as they have defined you, one of the many tentacles of the octopus... You are the head of the political octopus that in the last twenty years has appropriated the institutions in an anti-democratic and criminal way, to bend them to your personal interests and those of your accomplices, those of the deviant Masonic sect to which you belong. Today you spoke to us about the government's willingness to implement the fight against corruption, tax evasion, and the economic crimes of the cliques: and what are you going to do, arrest yourself? Or have you decided to slap yourself every morning when you get up and look in the mirror?
  • From the speech to the Chamber of Deputies, September 29, 2010. Video available on ‘'Youtube.com’'.
  • When they said, “Fascism is over, but what does it mean to be a fascist?” Well, it means being La Russa: tonight he is a fascist. <ref>From the television program ‘'Annozero’', December 16, 2010. Video available on ‘'Rai.tv’'.
  • (Referring to the episode of Annozero aired on December 16, 2010) Last night, in front of several million television viewers, the Minister of Defense in the government of Berlusconi, Ignazio La Russa, responded to my specific accusation that he was behaving like a Fascist by saying, "Yes. I am a fascist. I am proud to be a fascist." Can a minister of the Republic, the Minister of Defense, defend fascism, having the armed forces at his disposal? I want to appeal to President Giorgio Napolitano. The Minister of Defense of the Italian Republic has defended fascism. What are we waiting for to react? The return of a new fascism?

2011

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  • Carelli: “Mr. Di Pietro, have you ever been to Oxford to give a lecture?” Di Pietro: “No, look, I am aware of my limitations.”
  • However, I come from there. From the Catholics, from the moderates. I studied in a seminary. I am not a man of the left.
  • I was an emigrant, and I had no time for ideologies, neither communist nor fascist.
  • Faced with human suffering and fragility, only a miserable person rejoices and wishes for the worst. A man, if he is a man, expresses solidarity.
  • Berlusconi today is essentially a lonely person, trying to buy a happiness he does not have. My feelings for him are of humana pietas. And anger towards the courtiers who take advantage of him, who feed off him, who further humiliate the institutions, hiding behind his face.
  • More than Videla, Berlusconi is Do Nascimiento.
  • There is the Lega of the leadership, which seems to me to be closed off in the Roman Palace and torn apart internally. But there is the Lega of the mayors, the councilors, the territory, the militants. I know them well: they are people who love their land, and they have my respect. You can't throw the baby out with the bathwater.
  • I can't stand some of Maroni's racist remarks about immigrants, as I was one of them myself. But I was also a policeman. I appreciate the way Maroni defends his ministry.

2012

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  • (About Oscar Luigi Scalfaro) He was able to give us that sense of security that allowed us to work calmly even when they tried to stop us [...]. It was essential that he was the one to take on the role of President of the Republic during those years. He carried out his role independently, both as a politician and as a magistrate.
  • (About the Monti government at the session to approve the law converting the simplification and development decree) It is good for Italians to know that you will be good fathers in your own homes, but you are bad fathers to Italians, because you do not think of all Italians, you only think of some of them, you only think of the lobbies, the caste, of doing favors for some and destroying the weakest part of the country. Let's be clear, Italia dei Valori knows very well why you were put there. You had to put the accounts in order, but you also had to make those who could pay the bill pay it, and not always the weakest and, above all, the most honest. We dispute the political choices you have made in your work.
  • Cited in ‘’sub00030 Session of the Chamber of Deputies No. 617 of April 4, 2012 – Continuation of the discussion of the bill: Conversion into law, with amendments, of Decree-Law No. 5 of February 9, 2012, containing urgent provisions on simplification and development (Approved by the Chamber of Deputies and amended by the Senate) (A.C. 4940-B).‘’, Chamber of Deputies, April 4, 2012)
  • (About the Monti government) We contested another thing about Berlusconi: he made us ashamed on a human level, he thought about ‘'bunga bunga’'. We, on the other hand, contest the policies you are pursuing. Above all, we contest the decision to continue Berlusconi's approach, from the Istituto Luce, from propaganda, in making people believe that everything is fine.
  • Cited in ‘’sub00030 Session of the Chamber of Deputies No. 617 of April 4, 2012 – Continuation of the discussion of the bill: Conversion into law, with amendments, of Decree-Law No. 5 of February 9, 2012, containing urgent provisions on simplification and development (Approved by the Chamber of Deputies and amended by the Senate) (A.C. 4940-B).‘’, Chamber of Deputies, April 4, 2012)
  • Even stones know it, so imagine if foreign and Italian investors do not know the reasons why Italy is in recession. The reasons are slow and exasperating bureaucracy, rampant corruption, and entrepreneurs who, instead of doing business, have been forced or reduced to acting as “bribe-takers” and fixers. This is why our country is not working. Our country does not work because there is an exasperating tax system. Our country does not work because the Italian state and public bodies, after requesting orders for work and products from companies, do not pay them. There are companies that are going bankrupt because the state does not pay for the products they have supplied or the work they have done. These are the reasons why our country does not work.
  • Cited in ‘’sub00030 Session of the Chamber of Deputies No. 617 of April 4, 2012 – Continuation of the discussion of the bill: Conversion into law, with amendments, of Decree-Law No. 5 of February 9, 2012, containing urgent provisions on simplification and development (Approved by the Chamber of Deputies and amended by the Senate) (A.C. 4940-B).‘’, Chamber of Deputies, April 4, 2012)
  • (During the debate on the approval of the anti-corruption bill) You know that there are many cases in which loans or grants are awarded to people who apply to the public administration for a variety of reasons. Well, we ask you why, when it comes to a person convicted with a final criminal sentence for mafia activities, corruption, aiding and abetting embezzlement, or other very serious crimes, they should be allowed access to contributions from the state and the public administration, funding, charitable donations, and so on. Why can't we establish a principle whereby those who are honest, fair, and respect the law can access benefits, while criminals are denied them? It is a straightforward, formal, and precise request. Don't tell us, once again, that there is a delegation! Why don't we decide here? We are adopting a measure, so why do we have to postpone it to another date? Take on this responsibility too!
  • Quoted in Chamber of Deputies of the Italian Republic – XVI Legislature – Stenographic report – Session no. 650, June 14, 2012 – Continuation of the discussion and approval of the bill: Provisions for the prevention and repression of corruption and illegality in public administration (Approved by the Senate) (A.C. 4434-A) and related bills (A.C. 3380-3850-4382-4501-4516-4906) (Examination of articles 7 and 15 to 20; examination of the agenda; explanations of vote; formal corrections; formal coordination; final vote).‘’ Chamber of Deputies of the Italian Republic, June 14, 2012.
  • Craxi described Napolitano, a leading member of the PCI and president of the Chamber of Deputies, as a man who was very attentive to the system of the First Republic, especially in cultivating his relations with Moscow. I believe that in that formal interrogation, which I conducted before the judge, Craxi was revealing true facts because he accused himself and then others of illegal party financing. Now, one of two things: either those facts were not criminally relevant, or I don't see why double standards were used.
  • From an interview with the weekly magazine Oggi, quoted in Repubblica.it, August 6, 2012.


  • Absolutely opposed [to amnesty], because – first of all – people should not commit crimes. Secondly, if they do commit crimes, they must be placed on a path of punishment and rehabilitation so that when they are released, they are able to find a job and change their lives. Amnesty releases both good and bad people indiscriminately, which is of no benefit to either prisoners or society.
  • From an interview to il Manifesto, Anche i movimenti si scusino, 12 July 2012.
  • What is the point of a commission today? There is a final criminal judgment that also establishes the civil and moral responsibility of the State. There is a risk of calling into question the truth of the trial, especially by entrusting it to a biased body representing the current political majority. It seems masochistic to me: it would only serve to give those who have already been convicted by the judiciary the chance to rewrite a different page of that story.
  • From an interview to il Manifesto, Anche i movimenti si scusino, 12 July 2012.
  • I have always maintained, and still maintain today, that we did well to let the judiciary do its job, because only justice could ascertain the truth [about the events of the G8 in Genoa]. Today, with the cards on the table and the final measures in place, we have proven evidence of how the events unfolded. If there had been a parliamentary commission, there would have been a majority report and a minority report, and in parliament there would have been those who sided with one side and those who sided with the other, based on partisanship and not on the ascertainment of the facts. Today, the cards are on the table, and everyone must bow their heads and apologize.
  • From an interview to il Manifesto, Anche i movimenti si scusino, 12 July 2012.
  • Many people must apologize for the actions of the police. Just as many people must apologize for the actions of the demonstrators. Many things happened in Genoa, but one does not justify the other. It is too easy to say that now only the police must apologize. Each act must be judged on its own merits, but I will never allow anyone to say that because the police did what they did, what happened the day before is justified.
  • From an interview to il Manifesto, Anche i movimenti si scusino, 12 July 2012.
  • There should not even be a need for a law to prohibit torture. Already today, there are specific types of crimes with which it is technically possible to punish a person who tortures. Nevertheless, if you want to introduce the crime, I agree....
  • From an interview to il Manifesto, Anche i movimenti si scusino, 12 July 2012.

2013

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  • The death of Gardini is the real, great regret I have about the Mani Pulite season. For two reasons. The first: on July 23, Gardini was supposed to tell me everything: who he had given the billion lire he had brought to Botteghe Oscure, the headquarters of the Italian Communist Party, to; who the corrupt economic journalists were, in addition to those already revealed by Sama; and who the beneficiaries of the bulk of the Enimont bribe, safely stored in the Ior, were. The second reason: I could save Gardini. On the evening of the 22nd, shortly before midnight, the Carabinieri called me at my home in Curno to inform me that Gardini had arrived at his home in Piazza Belgioioso in Milan and asked me, “Doctor, what shall we do, shall we arrest him?” But I had given my word to the lawyers that he would arrive at the prosecutor's office on his own two feet the next morning. So I told them to let it go. If I had had him arrested immediately, he would still be here with us. :*, July 21, 2013.

2014

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  • There is no doubt that knowing that a Minister of the Interior (Claudio Scajola) was aware and had knowledge of people who were risking their lives (Marco Biagi) in a concrete way and did not intervene, as he did to help fugitives involved in organized crime, makes me feel humiliated as a citizen and as a representative of the institutions. We have had people like this even in the Ministry of the Interior. I hope that, beyond earthly justice, divine justice will send him to Hell.

2016

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  • I understand that it's hard to accept something so simple; that a magistrate, a public prosecutor, gets it right for once and uncovers a series of crimes by conducting a thorough investigation.
  • From the TV programme Fuori onda, La /, 25 January 2016. Video available on YouTube.com.

2017

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  • They wanted to stop us. They sprang into action as soon as they realized we were about to reach the upper echelons of power. Clean Hands was stopped, partly because while we were investigating the bigwigs in the north, we ended up touching those who had contacts with the mafia in the south.
  • (25 years since the beginning of Mani pulite) From then until now, the only thing that has changed is that now there is desolation on the part of public opinion.
  • It's not a day of celebration 25 years later. Twenty-five years have passed, but it seems to me that when I open the newspaper every morning, everything is the same as before.
  • That those in politics betrayed me is understandable; politics is made up of traitors.
  • Before I leave, I would like to put everything online so that one day someone can read it and see a different truth from what has been told.
  • I also read in the newspapers that the Clean Hands investigation was an investigation into corruption; you know that's not true, right? It's an investigation into false accounting.
  • (About Raul Gardini) Fifteen minutes earlier, I spoke with his lawyer and we agreed that he would come to me, of his own free will and with his hands free, and he would tell me how things stood. Then, evidently out of pride, he committed suicide.
  • We did what any radiologist does when you go for an X-ray to see if you have a disease; we discovered that our country was sick with endemic corruption.
  • I am at an age where I have to look ahead to the years that remain, and before I leave, before I close my eyes, I would very much like to shake hands with all those who have had dealings with me, even those who opposed me.
  • I attribute a fundamental role to Grillo. In moments of total disappointment, protest explodes. I remember 1968 well, even though I was on the side of the police. Grillo deserves credit for channeling the protest.
  • From the end of the First Republic onwards, new ideas and people to carry them forward should have emerged. Instead, that investigation created a huge void, and figures appeared on the political scene who were there more for themselves than for anything else, starting with me. I am thinking of Berlusconi, Bossi, Salvini, and Renzi.
  • I have always found the conflict between those who defend civil liberties and those who defend justice misleading. I am and always have been in favor of respecting the law.
  • I would do it all again. I have had many jobs, as a police officer, a magistrate, a politician, and I do not regret anything, least of all Mani Pulite. But as a magistrate, I convicted people, not a system. Those people represented political ideas. Some put them into practice by doing their duty, such as Aldo Moro or Giorgio La Pira, while others used their position for personal gain.
  • (About the political consequences of Mani pulite) Mani Pulite created a vacuum: that's when personal parties began, starting with me. But these parties last only a morning, and I am living proof of that.

2018

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  • The M5S has done one positive thing: it has contributed to the renewal of the ruling class. I don't agree with statements like those made by Di Maio, who says that the Five Star Movement is the best. That's a statement that scares me.

2019

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  • I didn't discover Mani pulite: it came about as a result of the investigation into the maxi-trial in Palermo, when Giovanni Falcone received confidential information from Tommaso Buscetta that an agreement had been made between the Ferruzzi Group and the mafia. That's where it began. Falcone tasked the ROS (Special Operations Group) with compiling what would become a 980-page report, which was supposed to go to Falcone, but he was transferred.
  • If Salvo Lima hadn't died, I would have asked Parliament to arrest Andreotti. [...] In reality, I never had a relationship with Craxi. I was targeting the criminal environment surrounding Andreotti. [...] Andreotti's case was time-barred in 1980; it's not that he was acquitted. And on the other side there was the mayor, Vito Ciancimino, and Salvo Lima. So, I mean: that was the real power. [...] Mani Pulite was not stopped by politics: it was stopped by the judges. It's a story that needs to be rewritten sooner or later.

Undated

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  • Two years to carry out Mani pulite and four to defend myself from the consequences.
  • Quoted in Gianni Barbacetto, Marco Travaglio e Peter Gomez, Mani pulite, p. 546.

From his blog

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  • What is most striking about the events surrounding magistrates Luigi De Magistris and Clementina Forleo is that the investigations they were conducting have been completely obscured. No one talks about Why Not and Unipol anymore. We are going beyond the metaphor of the finger pointing at the moon. Here, they have made the moon disappear altogether and left us only with the finger to look at. :*I processi scomparsi (The disappeared trials), December 4, 2007.
  • [...] deaths at work are no surprise; ThyssenKrupp, with its endless list of deaths, the latest just today, is just the latest episode. Penalties must be severely increased and the number of inspectors increased. Anyone who causes the death of a worker through negligence must end up in jail without any reduction in sentence and without any pardon. :*Buon 2008 (Happy 2008), December 31, 2007.
  • (About Fabio Salamone) the magistrate of the Public Prosecutor's Office of Brescia who repeatedly investigated me, bringing a myriad of charges against me, all of which were later dismissed by the judges “because the facts did not exist.” Of course, in the end I got justice, but those accusations were taken up and relaunched by others who had an interest in building a mountain of wickedness against me that I had not committed, with the aim of discrediting the work I had done as a magistrate and thus—by some insane transitive property—rendering irrelevant the filth I had uncovered about them. :*Capitolo 1: La vicenda Salamone (Chapter 1: the Salamone affair), September 2008.
  • Tangentopoli never ended; on the contrary, it became a way of life that Italians learned to live with thanks to distorted models imposed by the political class and celebrated by an increasingly less independent media. :*La mia storia attraverso Tangentopoli (My story through Tangentopoli), September 16, 2008.
  • Mr. Prime Minister [Berlusconi], or rather Mr. President Videla, you are truly a model head of government Argentina. You have humiliated and continue to humiliate the Parliament every day with coups that violate every rule of parliamentary democracy. Just a few minutes ago, you promoted and carried out the latest provocative act promoting an anti-democratic drift, namely the appointment as president of the RAI Supervisory Commission of a person chosen by your majority. I say this to those listening live: this parliamentary majority has had the arrogance to choose even who should represent the opposition. This is typical behavior of Argentine dictatorships.
  • After all, we saw it in the USA, where Obama and McCain thanked each other and began working together immediately. But here we are not in a civilized country; here we need to remove the tumor. Now the problem is no longer even Berlusconi, it is the “Berlusconis.” They have infiltrated all levels of society, like a virus. The model is catching on, it is being replicated everywhere.
  • The Internet is a free space where anyone can express their thoughts without having financial means or a membership card in their pocket. It is a space that gives hives to those who believe that the only freedom is to serve him. The freedom of servants. [...] I deeply believe in the Internet as a tool for democracy and I will do everything I can to prevent it from being controlled. The Internet is also more important for the country's development than oil. It moves information, processes, data, intelligence. It should not be controlled, it should be developed.
  • But those who are involved in politics know that, for better or worse, they are stripped of everything. And I am also opposed to the idea of gagging information: there is a risk that citizens will no longer be able to know who they can trust and who they cannot. :*Abruzzo: un modello virtuoso (Abruzzo: a virtuous model), December 10, 2008.
  • The PDL and Letizia Moratti have said no to the Anti-Mafia Commission for the control of contracts and supplies worth millions and millions of euros that will be invested in the 2015 Expo to be held in Milan. [...] Taking such a step, after the disturbing words of the deputy prosecutor of the National Anti-Mafia Directorate, Vincenzo Macrì, who in June last year described Milan as the “true capital of the mafia,” is an inexplicable act that raises suspicions that they want a free hand to manage even contracts of dubious assignment.
  • There are two Pd, one in the territory where an alternative nucleus is being created with the Idv, and one in the political leadership made up of envy and dissatisfaction. We are involved in politics; it is not our fault if voters reward us. :*from ‘’I prefer to swim rather than drown‘’, May 29, 2009.
  • The IDV is a popular party that arose spontaneously and does not want to be ideologically defined. It is opposing the Berlusconi government, with good reason, on economic, institutional, and judicial policy.
  • A government that sees thousands of companies closing their doors every day, leaving just as many workers out on the street, and asks citizens, workers, and small business owners to take on the burden of solving a problem for which the state itself and its inefficiencies are primarily responsible, is not credible. :*‘’Le responsabilità di Draghi e Marcegaglia (The responsibilities of Draghi and Marcegaglia), May 30, 2009.
  • They accuse me of persecuting a corruptor, of being a “sfascista” and anti-Berlusconi. I, on the other hand, feel like a partisan of the new resistance. I am in no hurry; time and the citizens will prove me right. :*‘’Le responsabilità di Draghi e Marcegaglia (The responsibilities of Draghi and Marcegaglia), May 30, 2009.
  • As soon as he took office, Silvio Berlusconi restored unrestricted access to state flights with the knowledge and premeditation of wanting to make extensive use of them for friends, showgirls, attractive Big Brother contestants, singers, friends, and VIPs to be transported wherever needed for a personal favor or a party in Sardinia, which today appears to be more of a sex tourism destination than the summer residence of a Prime Minister.
  • Italy is sinking with a GDP of -5% and a real unemployment rate of 10%, and they are toasting in the face of the citizens. :*“In the face of the citizens”, June 1, 2009.
  • Craxi was not a statesman, he was merely the founder of the system of illegal party financing, a hardened corruptor and corrupt individual who destroyed the Italian economic system by basing it on patronage rather than meritocracy. A system whereby public contracts and works ended up in the hands of the highest bidder rather than the most capable. A man in whose shadow, as in the worst of nurseries, the first-rate politicians who now lead Italian parties grew up.
  • The management of Rai, an offshoot of the government, on the one hand boycotts highly rated flagship programs such as Report by Gabanelli, Annozero by Santoro and Ballarò by Floris, while on the other hand devising failed strategies such as TivuSat and promoting biased reporting by individuals such as Minzolini and Vespa, who are to journalism what the electric chair is to human life.

See also

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