Camilo Torres Restrepo

Camilo Torres Restrepo

Camilo Torres Restrepo (3 February 1929 – 15 February 1966) was a Colombian Catholic revolutionary, an ordained priest, and a leader of the National Liberation Army (ELN). During his life, he advocated for liberation theology by trying to reconcile revolutionary socialism and Roman Catholicism.

Quotes

• If Jesus was alive today, he would be a guerrillero.
• By Marxists we mean specifically those who adhere to historical and dialectical materialism. Among these are the orthodox Communists, whom we will investigate separately. First we shall consider Marxists who do not obey the discipline of the official Communist Party. 1. Possibilities. In the modern world, Marxists began the movement advocating structural change. They have technical experts in economics and in the physical and biological sciences. But dogmatism in the social sciences has been partially harmful to the orthodox Marxists who are the most emphatically dogmatic. We say “partially,” because orthodox socio-economic analyses are in harmony with the socio-economic structures of the indigent countries. As a matter of fact, if we compare Marxist analyses stricdy pertaining to the socio-economic structures of these countries with capitalist analyses, we will find that the Marxist analyses are better adapted to reality and especially to the expectations of the indigent majorities. With reference to economic planning, Marxists have held the first place, but it is important to recognize the difference between the purely economic, administrative, and technical mechanism of economic planning which authoritatively regulates investments, and the philosophy which inspired this regulation. In our time, this same regulation is inspired and practiced by virtue of other philosophies, for example in Israel. This proves that it is not necessarily connected with Marxist ideology. 2. Advantages. Among the advantages of Marxist planning we should note its orientation, which is specifically popular, and the value of its analyses of underdeveloped or developing societies. We should also keep in mind its tradition in the struggle for structural change and technical planning. 3. Disadvantages. The orthodox Marxists run the risk of being dogmatic in socio-economic matters which are most complex, variable, and contingent. Likewise, with regard to tactics, the party members follow prefabricated schemes which in many cases, as in Cuba, oblige them to diverge from the revolutionary struggles that are not in keeping with these schemes. With regard to heterodox Marxists, they can run the risk of pursuing truncated and diminished ends because they are confined within materialistic conceptions. As for the means employed, it is probable that many of them restrain and curb certain human rights.
• Spartacus, for example, wanted to put an end to slavery and killing and had to do it fast lest he himself die in the gladiators’ ring. To succeed, he had to kill those bent on killing him. He hoped to eliminate political injustice completely and, to do so, felt he had to eliminate all the unjust. Robespierre hoped to eliminate political injustice completely and, to do so, felt he had to eliminate all the unjust. Lenin and Trotsky, bent on eradicating what they felt was the real cause of injustice—economic exploitation—thought themselves compelled to do away with all those strong enough to perpetuate it and, in so doing, set up the framework by which arbitrary elimination could be carried out by their successor, Stalin. Yet, for all their faults, who would say that the world is not better off today as a result? Only one who has never been a slave could condemn Spartacus. Only one who has never been politically irrelevant could condemn Robespierre. Only one who has never been hungry could condemn Lenin.
  • Another variation of this quote is "Spartacus, for example, wanted to put an end to slavery and killing and had to do it fast lest he himself die in the gladiators’ ring. To succeed, he had to kill those bent on killing him. He hoped to eliminate political injustice completely and, to do so, felt he had to eliminate all the unjust. Lenin, bent on eradicating what he felt was the real cause of injustice — economic exploitation — thought himself compelled to do away with all those strong enough to perpetuate it and, in so doing, set up the framework by which successful collectivization could be carried out by his successor, Stalin. Who would say that the world is not better off today as a result? Only one who has never been a slave could condemn Spartacus. Only one who has never been politically irrelevant could condemn Robespierre. Only one who has never been hungry could condemn Lenin and Stalin."
  • Revolutionary Priest, The Complete Writings and Messages of Camilo Torres by John Gerassi (1971)
• The catholic who is not a revolutionary is living in mortal sin.
• Because of the traditional relations between Christians and Marxists, and between the Church and the Communist party, it is quite likely that erroneous suspicions and suppositions will arise regarding the relations of Christians and Marxists within the United Front, and of a priest and the Communist Party. This is why I want to clarify to the Colombian people my relations with the Communist Party and its position within the United Front. I have said that I am a revolutionary as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, and as a priest. I believe that there are elements within the Communist Party which are genuinely revolutionary. Consequently, I cannot be anti-Communist either as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, or as a priest. I am not anti-Communist as a Colombian because anti-Communism in my country is best on persecuting the dissatisfied, whether they be Communist or not, who in the main are poor people. I am not an anti-Communist as a sociologist because the Communist proposals to combat poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and lack of housing and public service are effective and scientific. I am not an anti-Communist as a Christian because I believe that anti-Communism condemns the whole of Communism, without acknowledging that there is both right and wrong in its cause. By condemning the whole it's like condemning both the just and the unjust, and this is anti-Christian. I am not anti-Communist as a priest because whether the Communists realize it or not, there are within their ranks some authentic Christians. If they are working in good faith, they might well be the recipients of sanctifying grace. Should this be true, and should they love their neighbor, they would be saved. My role as a priest, even though I am not exercising its prerogatives externally, is to lead all men to God. The most effective way to do this is to get men to serve the people in keeping with their conscience. I do not intend to proselytize among the Communists and to try to get them to accept Christian teaching and go to church. I do want all men to act in accordance with their conscience, to look in earnest for the truth, and to love their neighbor effectively. The Communists must be fully aware of the fact that I will not join their ranks, that I am not nor will I ever be a Communist, either as a Colombian, as a sociologist, as a Christian, or as a priest. Yet I am disposed to fight with them for common objectives: against the oligarchy and the domination of the United States, and for the takeover of power by the popular class. I do not want public opinion to identify me with the Communists. This is why in all my public appearances I have wanted to be surrounded not only by the Communists but by all revolutionaries, be they independent or followers of other movements. . . . Once the popular class assumes power, with the help of all revolutionaries, then our people will be ready to discuss the religious orientation they should give their lives. Poland is an example of how socialism can be established without destroying what is essential to Christianity. As a Polish priest once said: "As Christians we have the obligation of contributing to the construction of a socialist state so long as we are allowed to adore God as we wish.
• The main thing in Catholicism is love for one's neighbour. "He who loves his neighbour fulfils his law." (St. Paul, Rom. XIII, 8). This love, to be true, must seek effectiveness. If charity, alms, the few free schools, the few housing schemes, what has been called "charity", is not enough to feed the majority of the hungry, nor to clothe the majority of the naked, nor to teach the majority of those who do not know, we must seek effective means for the well-being of the majority.
• The Church's temporary defects should not scandalize us. The Church is human. What is important is to believe that she is also divine and that if we Christians fulfill our obligation to love our neighbor, we are strengthening the Church.
• I have left the privileges and duties of the clergy, but I have not stopped being a priest. I believe that I have given myself to the Revolution out of love for my neighbor. I have stopped saying Mass in order to realize this love for my neighbor, in the temporal, economic and social realms. When my neighbor has nothing against me, when I have accomplished the Revolution, I will return to offering Mass if God allows me. I believe that in this way I am following Christ's command: "If you bring your gift to the altar and there remember that your brother has something against you, leave your gift there before the altar, and go. First be reconciled to your brother, and then come and offer your gift" (St. Matthew V, 23-24).
  • Message to Christians
• The problems of divorce and birth control that Colombian women believe they can resolve within a conformist and oppressive system cannot be resolved except within a system that respects people's conscience and individual, family and social rights. They cannot be resolved except when there is a State that has true autonomy and at the same time respect in relation to the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
  • Message to Women
• For the unity of the popular class, until death! For the organization of the popular class, until death! For the seizure of power for the working class, until death! Until death, because we are determined to go all the way. Until victory, because a people who give themselves up until death always achieve victory. Until the final victory, with the slogans of the NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY. Not one step back... Liberation or death!
  • Proclamation to the Colombian people
• If you, Mr Cardinal, loved your neighbour, you would have given your wealth to the poor, because Christ's order is specifically aimed at bishops and cardinals: 'If thou wilt be perfect, go, sell what thou hast, and give to the poor ... (Matthew 19:21).20... Have you forgotten all this, Mr Cardinal, with your luxurious car, palaces, and regal train, with which we could dress the poor? Have they forgotten it, the bishops and the religious groups, so full of riches, who rant so much against Communism but give nothing or only a few bits of crumbs to the poor? So let us not talk about love and hate or Marxism and Pharisaic Christianity. We are dealing with deeds and facts. You talk of country, but I must remind you that 'country' does not mean the hundred privileged families. Country, besides history, traditions, and territory, means people, the people who labour to fertilize fields, open roads, move machines, serve in the army, and create scientists, artists, and heroes. These people deserve the best. But you, Mr Cardinal, by your deeds, prefer one hundred superficial and exploiting families who organize balls while the people wail over their dead, who attend races, blessed by you, where the horses receive better care than the children of Peru. The patriots are not those who send their millions to foreign banks but those who, ignored by the church and state, take their place in the sublime struggle against exploitation. The patriots are not those who deliver our national wealth to thieving imperialism but those proud Peruvians who demand that Peru's riches belong to Peruvians ...The main culprits for the present convulsion are not the Communists but Yankee imperialists and the perjurers and Pharisees who use religion as a puppet show... The people are no longer a flock of sheep, as before. And the church must change itself, not by creating new liturgies, for which it would be ridiculous to convene an ecumenical council, but by condemning the bombs, the imperialists, and the colonialists, by giving the right to the people to choose their bishops, by supporting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights... There is a new Christ: the exploited peoples of the world. There is a new murdering Barrabas - imperialism and its lackeys. Let not the same error be committed now - forgiving Barrabas and crucifying Christ. Let the bishops of Peru fulfil their duty, or they shall pass into history as bishops who condemned the righteous and the patriots - and destroyed the church...
  • Revolutionary Priest, The Complete Writings and Messages of Camilo Torres by John Gerassi (1971)
• The duty of every Christian is to be revolutionary, and that of the revolutionary to make the revolution (...) when the people decide to fight to the end there will be no power that can be superior to the power of that people who want their freedom.
• The followers of the United Front, when planning the take-over of political power necessarily have to make a tactical decision - to follow through to the ultimate consequences and use whatever means the oligarchy leaves open to seize power. This attitude has no great ideological consequences because the church itself has established the conditions for a just war. Violence is not excluded from the Christian ethic, because if Christianity is concerned with eliminating the serious evils which we suffer and with saving us from the continuous violence in which we live without possible solution, the ethic is to be violent once and for all in order to destroy the violence which the economic minorities exercise against the people.
• I was chosen by Christ to be a priest forever because of the desire to concentrate my full time to the love of my fellow men. As a sociologist I have wanted this love to be translated into efficient service through technology and science. My analysis of Colombian society made me realize that revolution is necessary to feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, clothe the naked and procure a life of well-being for the needy majority of our people.
• The revolutionary struggle is not just any struggle—it is not a commitment of a few hours or a few pesos. It is a struggle to which it is necessary to commit one's life.

External links

• Marxists Internet Archive