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Kaja Kallas

From Wikiquote
Kaja Kallas in 2021

Kaja Kallas (born 18 June 1977) is an Estonian politician who currently serves as Vice President of the European Commission and High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. She previously served as the 19th Prime Minister of Estonia between 26 January 2021 and 23 July 2024.

Quotes

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2022

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16th Berlin Speech on Freedom (25 April 2022)

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16th Berlin Speech on Freedom by Kaja Kallas, Prime Minister of Estonia valitsus.ee

  • When we look at Russia we see darkness – fear is keeping its society together. And we see thousands fleeing the country. We know this fear. Fear of secret police who seize people in the middle of the night or arrest them only for holding up placards in public squares, fear of the constant distrust, fear to express your opinion, fear of the atrocities that might follow. Tens of thousands of Estonians fled this same tyranny after World War Two.
  • Gas might be expensive, but freedom is priceless.
  • What is our neighbor’s problem today will be our problem tomorrow. We are in danger, when our neighbor’s house is on fire.
  • If we do everything to help Ukraine, there will be no 11-year-olds for whom the air of freedom is something they only experience from a distance.

2023

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  • If someone talks about Russia and Ukraine agreeing on a peace settlement and giving away some territory, I explain that after World War II, your side of the Iron Curtain had peace, which meant that you built up your countries and the prosperity of your peoples. On our side of the Iron Curtain, we had mass deportations, killings, and our culture and language were suppressed. So even if there is some kind of an agreement, without accountability it doesn’t mean that the human suffering will stop.

2024

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  • When they annexed Crimea, it was the “little green men.” They were embarrassed that it's Russian soldiers. They tried to hide it, they were afraid of the Western reaction. Because the Western reaction was weak at the time, they made a mental note that they can do this because nothing happens. So if they can attack Ukraine, get away with no punishment, no accountability, then the next step could be NATO.
  • I don't think we're alone. Actually what I've seen is a lot of countries from around the world at our door, wanting to co-operate, finding new ways to do that. Why is this so? Because, you know, something that has been maybe a weakness because we are so predictable and so boring, has become actually our strength. There is a lot of unpredictability in the world, so we can build on that strength. Of course, we need to co-operate around the world with the countries which are not perfect democracies; if we only choose the countries that are perfect democracies we can't also work with some countries that are within the European Union, but that's another topic. It's clear that we need to find a way to actually promote the values that we also stand for, because people really see that it brings benefits. It brings prosperity and the well-being of people.
  • I can tell you that one of those countries wanted to send the military to march there [in Moscow]. Can you imagine? This is the biggest threat that Europe has: Russia. You want to join the EU, and then you send your military to march together with the forces that are actually attacking European security? How can you then really defend this and say that we want to take this military enemy within? It would be a complete no-go for many European countries, and it is hard. Show me who your friends are, and I will tell you who you are. We have 27 Member States in Europe, and I can already tell you 10 [Member States] for whom this is highly problematic.
  • It is clear that in order to have peace, you need at least two to want peace. It only takes one to want war. We see Putin has shown very clearly that he still wants war. They [Russia] wanted to make countries in the Global South to believe the narrative that Europeans or Ukrainians are just warmongers, they want war but Putin is a peaceful person just attacking and killing some civilians. They [countries in the Global South] bought this narrative, but now everybody can see that this is not the case. It has been 60 days since Ukraine agreed to a full and unconditional ceasefire, whereas we haven't seen that from Russia's side. We have seen that Russia is playing games. We, the European Union, have been united, calling for a ceasefire so that they [Russia and Ukraine] can sit down at the table and discuss peace, but we need to see some goodwill on the Russian side. What we can do is of course to put more pressure on Russia to also want peace on their side. The tools that we have in our hands our economic tools, so sanctions. I also welcome the Lindsay Graham package that they are now discussing in [the US] Senate, which are very strong sanctions to really put the pressure on Russia. I think this sending a very good signal that also the Americans understand that in order to end this war, in order to end the killing, we should the pressure on the one who is doing the killing.  
  • There haven't been any bilateral talks between Ukraine and Russia. There has been shuttle diplomacy, really. There have been envoys from the US going there. It's important to keep in mind that [there should be] nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. We can see them agreeing to things and coming back to ideas that are completely unacceptable for Ukraine, or for Europe for that matter. Then it can't really fly. I understand what the Americans are trying to do, which is to really keep their door open so that Russia would come to the table. That's why they maybe haven't put that much pressure on Russia, but now it has been over 60 days. We need to some other steps so that we see Putin at the negotiating table.
  • I think Zelenskyy did well to say, "OK, I'm willing to meet Putin and let him come." I don't know if we are off the camera or on the camera here, but I'd like to express my opinion here. It's hard.  I think it's a good move. It's a sit down. It should be between Zelenskyy and Putin. I don't think Putin dares.
  • When they are saying that it is weaponised by Hamas, and only given to people that are close to Hamas, then the response would be [to] flood Gaza with humanitarian aid so that there would be no deficit and it can't be used. Like you say, it can, so we are also offering our help. We have the EUBAM Rafah border crossing mission. We are also ready to increase this, to help with the distribution of humanitarian aid, but we are not allowed to. So for me, it is an immense frustration that we can't really do anything. Of course, we will have a discussion about this agreement. I know what the end result is going to be, because I know the positions of the Member States. Even if we suspended this agreement, it wouldn't stop the killing, and that is the problem. That's really where the frustration comes, because we all see that this is untenable, the loss of life, the human suffering, and we really need to help them. We are, together with Arab countries, discussing what more we can do, but again we need our American friends on board and to understand that the situation is completely untenable.
  • Europe is a peace project. You know, it was created so that we wouldn't have wars between the members of European Union, and we haven't had. And, of course, also to do things together, cooperate more. You know, coming from a country that joined the European Union 20, 20 years ago. Then, we were actually, you know, pushed by the Americans, you know, you will not get into NATO, but, but Europe, the European Union, is something that you should join because it's, it's a good project also for the transatlantic relations. So I was quite surprised to hear a comment like that.
  • We have always been good allies. I mean, we have been working together and we have been friends and allies, what comes to the world in different parts of the world, what is happening. We have been cooperating, whether it comes to Ukraine, whether it comes to, also, Middle East. And we see- in the world, we see powers like Russia, North Korea, Iran, more covertly China, working together. And I think this is the moment where we have to work together as transatlantic partners.
  • We are coordinating. And of course, the message is there are several layers. One is that the fight that Ukraine is having is not only about Ukraine sovereignty, but it's much, much broader. It's about freedom of the free world, really. It is about the world where international law applies and the world where might does not make right. It is clear that Russia attacked Ukraine. There is one aggressor and one victim. And we need to really make sure that Russia doesn't attack again. And for that, we need to concentrate our efforts. I mean putting politically and economically pressure on Russia to stop this war, but at the same time also help Ukraine to defend itself.
  • I don't think that anybody wants the killing to stop more than the Ukrainians. And in order to achieve that, we should all put the pressure on Putin, because he can stop the killing by not bombing Ukraine and the Ukrainians so that they don't have to defend themselves. And that's why our plan, our policies, to really put the pressure on Russia. We shouldn't overestimate the power of Russia and underestimate our own power. We know that their economy is not doing well. I mean, their inflation is over 20%, their National Fund is almost completely depleted. They don't have the same revenues from gas and oil that they used to to fund the war machine. So actually, if we concentrate our efforts, we can put the pressure so that they would stop the war, not to offer them anything, you know, on a plate, in addition what they have already done.
  • it does matter who is responsible, so who is accountable for this as well. And why it also matters is that we have the United Nations Charter where we have agreed how countries are, you know, interacting with each other. And it says very clearly that you can't attack sovereignty, territorial integrity of another country, and if you do, there are consequences. And why is it important? It is important for small countries in the world for whom this is the only thing that protects them. If we don't really defend this principle, then we're going to see all these developments that we don't want to see. Because all the countries who are afraid of their neighbors will want to go for nuclear weapons, because this is the only thing that protects them. It's not the international law anymore. And all the countries who have appetite for the neighbors' territory will want to have a nuclear weapon, because it is the only thing by- you know, threatening to use this weapon, you can have what you- what you want, because this is what Russia is doing.
  • Well, yes, not so directly. It doesn't have a practical impact, but it- clearly, I mean, it is saying what kind of principles in the world we are supporting. And of course, we were co-sponsoring, together with the United States, the resolution to support Ukraine. And it was a surprise to us that U.S. suddenly changed the position. I must, you know, really point out that we had the resolution drafted together with the new administration, regarding the support for Ukraine. But when they met the Russians, something happened after that, because the behavior changed. So- so the question is, where do we go from here? Our will and- and wish is to work together with our transatlantic partners for the principles that United States has always stood for. I mean, I'm coming from the country that regained our independence in 1991. It was the time when, you know, Ronald Reagan was really pushing hard for, you know, fight for freedom, and- and we are so grateful for America for doing this. Because we got our independence and freedom back, and therefore also the prosperity and the well being of our people. So we are very grateful. And I'm not- and I don't want to- I don't want to see this- I don't want to let this go. I mean, that, America, you know, is- is not fighting for- for freedom and independence, and, you know, the principles, the basic principles, of the international law.
  • Russia has been investing more than 9% of its GDP on military. In comparison, European countries are spending 2%. I think my own country is spending over 3%, but- but I think America is spending something around 3 or 4% of its GDP. So if you're investing so much on the military, you will want to use it again. And that's why it is very important how we- how we act here. In 2008, they attacked Georgia. Nothing happened. There was not the strong reaction from the West. In 2014, they annexed Crimea and attacked Ukraine. There was not the strong reaction. So, you know, there was a ceasefire, but ceasefire only gave them possibility to regroup and rearm. That's why it is extremely important that we don't make the same mistake again. If there is a pause, so they are able to get their forces to gather again, we will just see more wars. Everybody wants peace, but the peace has to be a lasting peace. And for lasting peace, it has to put- the pressure has to be put on Russia so that they don't do this again.
  • I mean, NATO is a defense alliance, and- and it is comprised of 32 different armies of, of the NATO member states. So, NATO structure is the military structure, and in terms of war, very important is, who gives orders to whom? So if you have, you know, those through- 32 armies that cooperate together, and you have one structure, then it's clear who gives orders to whom.
  • So if we say that we create a parallel structure, then, you know, when, in terms of crisis, then who gives orders to whom? Because the armies are just the 32. So that's why I haven't supported a special European army. I'm just saying that all the armies that are there in Europe, but also in NATO, need to work together.
  • We have managed so far and- and, of course, it's getting harder all the time, but we have managed to keep this unity.
  • There are several arguments, and some- some countries are not in favor because of the different risks. But I think, you know, in the end, everybody will come to the same conclusion. It shouldn't be our taxpayers that pay for the damages caused by Russia in Ukraine. It should be Russia who pays.
  • We don't want the trade war with United States. I think there are no winners in trade wars. And I mean, yesterday, I was here and watching the news as well, and you hear the news that consumer confidence in United States is dropping. And you know, if you have trade wars, it increases the prices, and in the end, the consumers will pay for this. So- so it is- it is not- I mean, there are no winners in trade wars, and we don't want to start one. But of course, we will also protect our interest if a trade war is started against us.
  • There are strong supporters of Ukraine in, I mean, both sides of the aisle and have been very, very much understanding what is going on. I don't know their relationship with President Trump, but I have seen the strong will that there is. Maybe this critical raw materials deal that President Trump is doing with President Zelenskyy will increase the economic interest of United States in Ukraine. That will, in turn, also give, I mean, the interest- security interest, to protect those economic interests that you have in Ukraine. So, so maybe that is one of the tools.
  • We are going to have next Foreign Affairs meeting, Foreign Affairs ministers meeting, and we're going to discuss Iran. Our common position, how we approach Iran. It is clear the way Iran operates, I mean helping Russia in the war against Ukraine, but also their activities in the Middle East, that we have to have a much stronger stance when it comes to Iran. Because developing a nuclear weapon, it's extremely dangerous. And there is one of the points where we need to cooperate with the United States as well.
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