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  • When dealing with such a race as Slavic - inferior and barbarian - we must not pursue the carrot, but the stick policy [...] We should not be afraid of new victims [...] The Italian border should run across the Brenner Pass, Monte Nevoso and the Dinaric Alps: I would say we can easily sacrifice 500,000 barbaric Slavs for 50,000 Italians.
    • Benito Mussolini, speech held in Pula (September 20, 1920)[1][2]
      • may be acceptable if formatted correctly. WQ does not use ref tags
  • With regard to domestic policy, the current burning issue is the racial question. Also in this field we will adopt the necessary solutions. Those who believe that we have obediently imitated anyone, or worse, acted on suggestions, are poor fools toward whom we do not know if we should direct our contempt or our pity. The racial problem did not suddenly burst out of nowhere, as those who are accustomed to brusque awakenings think — since they are used to long armchair naps. It is in relation to imperial conquest; because history teaches us that empires are conquered by arms but are held by prestige. And for prestige it is necessary to have a clear, severe racial consciousness, that establishes not only the differences, but also very clear superiorities.
  • The gruesome and horrendous murder of George Floyd in full view of the entire world has brought our nation to a tipping point in race relations. In spite of the tragedy of these times, my heart is filled with hope. Watching millions of Americans across our nation march, protest, and proclaim for justice, fairness, and equality is inspiring... While the George Floyd murder has shone the spotlight on police brutality, it has also shone a spotlight on our nation’s original sin, racism. It is my belief that there is institutional racism in our nation and in our community. It is rarely talked about because human nature is to deny the racism in front of us but to accept that it’s in those other cities and towns—not in our city leadership, not in our neighborhoods, and not in our churches. I believe now is the time to have the conversation that racism is here... A famous philosopher. George Santayana once said, “Those who cannot learn from history are destined to repeat it.” It is my hope that our community is ready to learn about our history with racism as it works together to build a better future.
  • Hispanic American men have lower average wage rates than white non-Hispanics. In 1975 the average white non-Hispanic male wage-earner in the United States earned $5.97 an hour. Mexican men earned $4.31, 72% as much as white non-Hispanics;Puerto Rican men earned $4.52, 76% as much; and Cuban men earned $5.33, 89% as much as white non-Hispanics. By way of comparison, black men's average wages in 1975 were $4.65, 78% of the white male wage.
  • The effects of sexism and racism on popular attitudes and behavior have long been recognized. More recently, another prevalent, bias, ageism, has become a topic off concern and inquiry (see, e.g., Butler, 1969; Harris and Associates, 1975). However, surprisingly little is known about the impacts of sexism, racism,and ageism on political behavior, and more specifically on voting decisions, These are issues of growing concern as women and members of racial minorities become increasingly active in electoral politics; the issue of age was also brought to the fore recently by the presidential candidacy of the 69-year-old Ronald Reagan. This paper uses an experimental approach to explore the extent to which and the manner in which the sex, race, and age of candidates for political office affect voters' decisions and the extent to which such influences are contingent on characteristics of the voters.
    Most of what is known about the relationship between candidate characteristics and voter preferences is derived from opinion surveys in which respondents have been asked questions like "If your party nominated a woman for President, would you vote for her if she were qualified for the job?" These surveys reveal an increased willingness over the least 25 years to vote for a qualified black or woman for President, with indications that voting discrimination against blacks began to fade somewhat earlier than it did against women (Ferree, 1974; Schreiver, 1978).
  • Several studies have shown a positive correlation between perceived experiences with discrimination and measures of psychological distress. Indeed, perceived discrimination predicted psychiatric symptoms related to depression and anxiety better than age, gender, education, social class, or general stressors. Other studies have shown a positive correlation between self-reported perceptions of discrimination and poor physical health outcomes including stroke, heart attack, diabetes, cancer, and lower birth weight babies. In addition, several studies have shown a positive correlation between perceptions of racial/ethnic discrimination and physiological outcomes, including resting BP, BP reactivity, and hypertensive status.29–36 Such correlational evidence, however, is not sufficient to conclude that perceived discrimination per se causes increases in BP.


  • According to a CNN/Kaiser Family Foundation poll on race in America, 69% of blacks and 57% of Hispanics say past and present discrimination is a major reason for the problems facing people of their racial or ethnic group. And 26% of blacks and 15% of Hispanics said they felt that they had been treated unfairly because of their race or ethnicity at their place of work in the past 30 days.
    But proving discrimination is another thing. In 2014 alone, the EEOC received 31,073 charges alleging race-based discrimination, but dismissed 71.4% of them due to a lack of reasonable cause.
    While workplace discrimination can be as overt as moving an employee off of a key assignment, or failing to promote them even though they are qualified, it can also be very subtle and very difficult to prove, experts say.
  • According to Williams' study, 41% of Asian women said they felt pressure to behave in "feminine ways," while just 8% of black women said they did. In addition, 36% of white women and 28% of Latinas reported pressure to behave in "traditionally feminine roles." When a Latina is assertive or "behaves in ways that don't conform with expectations of femininity, she triggers a racial stereotype," that she is "hot-blooded," irrational," "crazy" or "too emotional," Williams said. In fact, 60% of Latinas surveyed said they experienced backlash when they expressed anger or weren't deferential.
  • When one thinks of American blackness, there is the unsaid ugly truth that nearly all American blacks who have descended from the historical African diaspora in America have one (or several) rapacious white slave owners in their family tree at some point.
    Here, in the early days of the United States, was the invention of racism for economic necessity. From 1619 until 1865, white male Americans chose to breed a black enslaved workforce through the state-sanctioned rape of black women to build the new nation and support their white supremacist class. Race became the single unifying identifier — determining everything about one's life starting with this most basic division: enslaved or free.
    The American law was that the "condition of the child followed that of the mother," backed up by the "one drop rule," the legal framework that dictated even one drop of blackness made an individual black, never white. The idea of blackness as a pollutant, a taint that would erode the purity of whiteness, was seized by politicians around the world then — and now.
    Because of this legacy of sexual violence and anti-blackness, black and white mixed individuals have long been considered black in America.
    To a much larger degree than many people would like to admit, race still determines a vast part of one's life — social networks and mobility, birth and other medical care, employment opportunities and so on. Indeed, there is an entire genre of literature and film, popularized in the late 1800s and early 1900s, composed of blacks "passing" for white to avoid this racism. Some of the most famous examples are Nella Larsen's 1929 novel, Passing; James Weldon Johnson's 1912 opus, The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man; and the 1959 film The Imitation of Life.
  • My party, unfortunately, is the bastion of those people, not all of them, but most of them, who are still basing their decision on race. Let me just be candid: My party is full of racists. And the real reason a considerable portion of my party wants President Obama out of the White House has nothing to do with the content of his character, nothing to do with his competence as commander-in-chief and president, and everything to do with the color of his skin. And that's despicable.

Joan Petersilia, Racial Disparities in the Criminal Justice System, 1983

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Joan Petersilia, Racial Disparities in the Criminal Justice System, June 1983,National Institute of Justice
  • Earlier studies have shown that arrests depend heavily on witnesses' or victims' identifying or carefully describing the suspect (Greenwood, Petersilia, Chaiken, 1978). Prosecutors may have a more difficult time making cases against minorities "beyond a reasonable doubt" because of problems with victim and witness identifications. Frequently, witnesses or victims who were supportive at the arrest stage become less cooperative as the' case proceeds. Defenders of the system argue that the statistics do not lie, and that the system does not discriminate but simply reacts to the prevalence of crime in the black community.
    • p. xxiii
  • When the' crime is murder, forcible rape, robbery, or aggravated assault, a judge has less latitude in deciding about probation, sentence length, or whether the sentence will be served in jail or prison-no matter what color a man is. As we move down the line to lesser crimes, disparity emerges. The most striking example is larceny; Blacks make up only 30 percent of the arrest population, but 51 percent of the prison population. Why the disparity for these crimes? One explanation may be that judges can exercise more discretion in dealing with offenders convicted of these crimes.
    • p. 2
  • There were few' clear trends, but statistically significant racial differences. Hispanics strongly preferred knives and were more likely to report doing grievous harm to their victims. It seems possible that this behavior could legitimately lead to harsher sentences and longer time served. Blacks were much less likely than Hispanics to use a knife, and less likely than whites to use a gun. Indeed, when the study combined all crime types and looked at the overall percent of racial groups armed during a crime, there was only one statistically significant difference: Blacks were less likely to be armed in a burglary. Nevertheless, blacks make up a larger percent of the prison than of the arrest population for burglary.
    • p. 88.
  • For critics of the criminal justice system, the arrest and imprisonment rates for blacks and other minorities suggest that the system discriminates against those groups. They argue, for example, that blacks, who make up 12 percent of the national population, could not possibly commit 48 percent of the crime: Yet that is exactly what arrest and imprisonment rates imply about black criminality. Defenders of the system argue that the arrest and imprisonment rates do not lie; the system simply reacts to the prevalence of crime in the black community. As we have noted repeatedly, prior research has not. settled this controversy. For every study that finds discrimination in arrests, convictions, sentencing, prison treatment, or parole, another denies it.
    • p. 89.
  • Research on sentence patterns lends support to the contention that the system "values" whites more than it does minorities. For example, Zimring, Eigen, and O'Malley (1976) found that black defendants who killed whites received life imprisonment or the death sentence more than twice as often as blacks who killed blacks. Other research has found this relationship for other crimes as well: Defendants receive harsher sentences if the victim is white and lesser sentences if he or she is black. If harsher sentences do indicate that minority status equals lower status in the criminal justice system, that equation may also help explain why minorities serve longer terms, all other things held equal, than white prisoners.
    • p. 95-96.
  • A minority male is almost four times more likely than a white male to have an index arrest in his lifetime: One in every two nonwhite males in large U.S. cities can expect to have at least one index arrest. However, the RIS data indicate that, once involved in crime, whites and minorities in the sample have virtually the same annual crime commission rates. This accords with Blumstein and Graddy's (1981) finding that the recidivism rate for index offenses is approximately .85 for both whites and nonwhites. Thus, the data suggest that large racial differences in aggregate arrest rates must be attributed primarily to differences in involvement, and not to different patterns among those who do participate. Under these circumstances, any empirically derived indicators of recidivism should target a roughly equal number of whites and minorities. In other words, even if recidivism among whites had different causes or correlates than recidivism among non-whites, they should at least balance one another. They should not consistently identify nonwhites as more appropriate candidates for more severe treatment.
    • p. 98.

Surplus

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Latest comment: 4 months ago1 comment1 person in discussion
  • The link between race, racism, and negative health outcomes has been well established in the academic literature (Brondolo, Gallo, & Myers, 2009; Shaver & Shaver, 2006; Sondik et al., 2010; William, 2006; Williams et al., 2010). Although much of the health disparities between Whites and people of color can be explained by differences in socioeconomic status as manifested in differences in life-styles, health-seeking behaviors, and differential access to care, racism continues to exert an independent influence on health outcomes (Williams, 2006). One meta-analysis of 138 quantitative population-based studies demonstrated a strong association between racism and ill health, even after adjusting for a range of confounders (Paradies, 2006). While the strongest correlations were between experiences of racism and mental health, various studies have found a link between experiences of racism and physical health as well (Gee & Ford, 2011; Paradies, 2006; Williams et al., 2010). Given the effects of racism on health, even when controlling for other potential factors, many scholars have argued that racism is a unique source of stress that may lead to negative health outcomes for members of minority groups (Harrell, 2000; Mays et al., 2007; Thompson, 2002; Williams et al., 2003).
    Although there are many potential sources of stress, racism has been demonstrated to be a major source of stress for people of color (Dion, 2002; Thompson, 2002). In fact, even minor instances of racial discrimination may lead to heavy psychological costs when they recur often and are persistent over time (Huynh, Devos, & Dunbar, 2012). Recently, a number of scholars have examined how minority stress, the stress associated with being a member of a marginalized group, can negatively impact health outcomes (Balsam et al., 2011; Friedman, Williams, Singer, & Ryff, 2009; Szymanski & Sung, 2010; Zambino & Crawford, 2007). Within the health literature, minority stress is understood as “the excess stress to which individuals from stigmatized categories are exposed as a result of their social, often a minority, position” (Meyer, 2003, p. 675). For MSM of color, minority stress can take a number of forms, including homophobia in communities of color and racism from the mainstream gay community, which may cause them to experience a number of unique stressors and force them to cope with their doubly marginalized status. Minority stress may be even more detrimental given that status-based rejection, particularly those based on race, has been demonstrated to members of rejected groups to “anxiously expect, readily perceive, and intensely react” to rejection based on their minority status as well as negatively influence their personal and interpersonal experiences with others (Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002). In this article, we examined ways that men of color who have sex with men (MSM of color) cope with the stress caused by racism directed toward them from gay White men in the mainstream gay community in order to discern whether coping with racism helps to buffer the impact of racism-related stress on HIV risk among members of this group.
    • Chong-suk Han, George Ayala, Jay Paul, Ross Boylan, Steven E. Gregorich, and Kyung-Hee Choi; [“Stress and Coping with Racism and Their Role on Sexual Risk for HIV among African American, Asian/Pacific Islander, and Latino Men Who Have Sex With Men” https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4305487/], Arch Sex Behav. 2015 Feb; 44(2): 411–420.

“Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis” (1988)

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The kind of “science” that found expression in scientific racism claimed that the empirically real exhausts the ontologically possible, that the way things are is the way things ought to be. Scientific racism was an explanatory program, but it was also a political program, designed to reinforce certain power relations as natural and inevitable.
Racial scientists were remarkably creative in their attempts to explain the odious effects of racial miscegenation. Wilhelm Hildebrandt, for example, in his 1935 “Racial Mixing and Disease”, argued that the maladies produced by racial miscegenation were a product of the fact that different races have different life spans and that bodily organs therefore mature and degenerate at different rates. If a long-lived person were to mate with a short-lived person, then the various organs might mature and die at different rates, disturbing the “equilibrium” found in relatively pure races.

Proctor, Robert (1988). “Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis”. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-74578-0. OCLC 20760638.

  • Scientific racism is older than one might imagine. As early as 1727 the earl of Boulaivilliers tried to argue that the noblemen of France represented descendants of an original and superior race of longheaded Nordic Franks, whereas the lower estates of French society were descended from subjugated Celtic Gauls. Boulainvilliers’ doctrine was intended to support the claims of vested nobility against the critics of noble privilege. Critics of that privilege turned to quite another metaphor to explain the origins of human institutions and character: philosophers championing a new and enlightened liberalism argued that it was nurture, rather than nature, that was responsible for determining a man’s standing. Enlightenment enthusiasts invested climate or education with extraordinary powers: Dr. Samuel Smith, seventh president of Princeton College; speculated toward the end of the eighteenth century that Negro pigmentation was the result of “a large freckle” that spread itself over the body after long exposure to the tropical sun. Dr. Benjamin Rush speculated that all babies were born white, and that the distinctive coloration of the Negro arose as a “mild form of leprosy,” from which a certain former slave named Hery Moss was said to be undergoing a spontaneous cure.
    In the period of history we call the Enlightenment, many of those who claimed that race was the product of climate or disease also argued that the races of men were equal to one another in dignity or character. Locke, for example, argued that the human mind was at birth a blank slate, or “empty cabinet,” and that character was the product of education, or soil, or climate. The Scottish philosopher Lord Monboddo suggested that, with proper training, even certain apes (such as the chimpanzee) might one day be taught to speak and to reason.
    • Ch.1 “The Origins of Racial Hygiene”, pp.10-11
  • Enlightenment “environmentalism” emerges in what many saw as a hopeful period of history. Many imagined that social, sexual, or racial differences separating the various stations of men and women would be soon overcome through proper implementation of social reforms and legislation. In the French Revolution many aristocratic privileges were overthrown. Jews were granted certain civil liberties, and feminists wrote treatises of “the Rights of Woman.” The liberal spirit of “liberte”, egalite”, and fraternite”, offered hope that, given equal opportunity and the rule of enlightened laws, the free play of economic markets might soon eradicate social differences and inequalities.
    Enlightenment philosophers were not of course willing to grant the privileges of liberty, equality, and fraternity to everyone. John Locke, himself a merchant adventurer in the African slave trade, defended slavery as the natural consequence of relations that ensue form the fighting of a “just war.” The American Constitution recognized the legitimacy fo slavery and extended the full “rights of man” only to propertied white males. Enlightened European philosophers championed liberty and yet made the enjoyment of liberty contingent upon the practice of “reason,” a faculty shared unequally among humans. David Hume, for example, compared the intelligence of the Negro to that of a parrot, an argued that a man of this race could never achieve a status equal to that of the European. Jean-Jacques Rousseau claimed that women were inferior to men in the sphere of reason and therefore did not deserve the same rights as men. Such were the kinds of views that led Samuel Johnson, in the middle of the eighteenth century, to ask, “How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?”
    • pp.10-11
  • In 1853-1855 Arthur Comte de Gobineau published his pioneering “Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races”. The significance of Gobineau’s treatise was that, for the first time, race was cast as the primary moving force of world history. According to Gobineau, “racial vitality” lies at the root of all great transformations in history. Greece flourished because of it; Rome fell for want of it. Gobeau argued that the shift from the Stone Age to the Bronze Age was the result of one race seizing the reins of history from another; racial movement is the root cause of all that is grand in history.
    Gobineau’s theory was not initially well received in Europe. Tocueville, for example, in a letter to Gobineau, pointed out that the racial theorist would probably find a better audience for his ideas among the slave-owning planters of the American South.
    The significance of Gobeau’s theory was not just that he saw the history of the world as a history of racial struggle. Equally important was his contention that his racial history was a science”. Racial or ethnic prejudice, after all, predates Gobineau by many hudreds of years. Yet prior to the nineteenth century, racial or ethnic prejudice was couched primarily in religious rather than biological or racial terms.
    • p.12
  • The kind of “science” that found expression in scientific racism claimed that the empirically real exhausts the ontologically possible, that the way things are is the way things ought to be. Scientific racism was an explanatory program, but it was also a political program, designed to reinforce certain power relations as natural and inevitable.
    • p.13
  • Racial scientists were remarkably creative in their attempts to explain the odious effects of racial miscegenation. Wilhelm Hildebrandt, for example, in his 1935 “Racial Mixing and Disease”, argued that the maladies produced by racial miscegenation were a product of the fact that different races have different life spans and that bodily organs therefore mature and degenerate at different rates. If a long-lived person were to mate with a short-lived person, then the various organs might mature and die at different rates, disturbing the “equilibrium” found in relatively pure races.
    • p.179
  1. ↑ Sestani, Armando, ed (10 February 2012). "Il confine orientale: una terra, molti esodi" (in Italian). I profugi istriani, dalmati e fiumani a Lucca. Instituto storico della Resistenca e dell'Età Contemporanea in Provincia di Lucca. pp. 12–13. 
  2. ↑ Pirjevec, Jože (2008). "The Strategy of the Occupiers". Resistance, Suffering, Hope: The Slovene Partisan Movement 1941–1945. p. 27. ISBN 978-961-6681-02-5. 
  3. ↑ Il discorso di Trieste. archivioluce. Retrieved on 2021-01-04.
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