- Marx and Engels themselves can never be taken simply at their word: the errors of their writings on the past should not be evaded or ignored, but identified and criticized. To do so is not to depart from historical materialism, but to rejoin it. (...) To take 'liberties' with the signature of Marx is in this sense merely to enter into the freedom of Marxism.
- Perry Anderson, Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism (Verso, 1996), p. 9.
- We are all Marxists now
- If you say that this is an old, badly painted wall you're judging it metaphysically, extracting the current moment. If you however say: it's shiny, nice, new wall, then you're wrong from current moment's point of view, because the wall is not yet like that. But from dialectical point of view you're right, because it will be like that tomorrow. If you said that Soviet people are living in old hovels, full of worms, you would be lying, even if usually they look like this. But if you say that Soviet people like in new, nice houses, you're saying truth, even if today very few live like that. See today what will happen tomorrow - is to think dialectically
- Józef Maria Bocheński, Lewica, religia, sowietologia, 1996
- As I noted earlier, when we look back at the scientific and public climates of discussion 50 years ago, the prevailing mindset was socialist in its underlying presupposition that government offered the solution to social problems. But there was a confusing amalgam of Marxism and ideal political theory involved: Governments, as observed, were modeled and condemned by Marxists as furthering class interests, but governments which might be installed 'after the revolution', so to speak, would become both omniscient and benevolent.
In some of their implicit modeling of political behavior aimed at furthering special group or class interests, the Marxists seemed to be closet associates of public choice, even as they rejected methodological individualism. But how was the basic Marxist critique of politics, as observed, to be transformed into the idealized politics of the benevolent and omniscient superstate? This question was simply left glaringly unanswered. And the debates of the 1930s were considered by confused economists of the time to have been won by the socialists rather than by their opponents, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek. Both sides, to an extent, neglected the relevance of incentives in motivating human action, including political action.
- James M. Buchanan, "Public Choice: The Origins and Development of a Research Program", Center for Study of Public Choice at George Mason University (2003)
- M Is For Marx,
And Movement of Masses,
And Massing of Arses,
And Clashing of Classes.
- Cyril Connolly, "Where Engels Fears To Tread", cited in Gyles Brandreth, The Oxford Dictionary of Humourous Quotations", Oxford University Press, 2013.
- As for their [Marxists'] argument for revolution-the argument that we must do evil now so that good may come of it in the long run-it seems to me to have nothing in it. Not because I am too nice to do evil, but because I don't believe the Communists know what leads to what.
- Marxian Socialism must always remain a portent to the historians of Opinion — how a doctrine so illogical and so dull can have exercised so powerful and enduring an influence over the minds of men, and, through them, the events of history.
- With the demise of Marxism, the illusion that we can finally dispense with the notion of antagonism has become widespread. This belief is fraught with danger, since it leaves us unprepared in the face of unrecognized manifestations of antagonism.
- Chantal Mouffe, The Return of the Political (Verso, 2005), p. 2.
- It is not the truth of Marxism that explains the willingness of intellectuals to believe it, but the power that it confers on intellectuals, in their attempts to control the world. And since, as Swift says, it is futile to reason someone out of a thing that he was not reasoned into, we can conclude that Marxism owes its remarkable power to survive every criticism to the fact that it is not a truth-directed but a power-directed system of thought.
- Roger Scruton, Political Philosophy: Arguments for Conservatism (Continuum International Publishing Group 2006).